The day had gone pretty fast. I did not work on my preblog notes at work, since I only work a short day today. I am a machinist watching my body waste away as my mind slowly drips darkly into the descent of the closets of the back subconscious ... it seemed like the daily grind just busted knuckle against concrete, bone exposed as my hands get tougher ... the dirt covering up the blisters and tan from a humid, unforgiving Texas sun ... blood wrapping around my hand like gauze and boiling into a permanent scar, a scar of honor. Straightedge psychology... do it yourself, do it hard, fast and consistent. I was raised on the notion that hard work and self isolation made you self made into a source of intense devestation ... right now I am listening to Shadow Reichenstein's Werewolf Order ... a very good and intense album locally made ... before that was Liquid Velvet's Mosh Your Coif, a very short, but Hawaiian Punch [ "Hey, how about a nice Hawaiian Punch!" - Punchy ] YOW! style of punk rock. I did the Plugger ATM cashout today at Half Priced Books And Records, but its okay. I realize that life is meant to be a struggle, so that when you do make it, you do enjoy the rewards and appreciate what it took to sacrafice to get there. I plan to make a lot of drastic sacrifices to get my life jumpstarted to where I can travel and learn history firsthand, not through travel programs, no matter how good they actually are [i.e. Rick Steve's] ... my body has given me some Tom Waits fly in the face of misery aches and pains, demanding me relentlessly to lose my gut and to workout again and do some calisthenics [hey, I admit, I had to look that one up] ...
Examples of calisthenic exercises include:
* Sit-ups/crunches: Start with your back on the floor, knees bent, bottoms of feet against the floor. Lift shoulders off the floor by tightening abdominal muscles bringing your chest closer to your knees. Lower back to the floor with a smooth movement.
* Push-ups: Start face down on floor, palms against floor under shoulders, toes curled up against floor. Push up with arms keeping a straight line from head through toes. Lower to within a few inches of floor and repeat. You should keep your head tilted upward, your back straight. Do not rest on your shoulder blades, even when you feel fatigue.
* Squats: Stand with feet shoulder width apart. Squat as far as possible bringing your arms forward parallel to the floor. Return to standing position. Repeat. Again, if you feel like this is not a challenge, there are other forms of squats. One method is lifting one leg off the floor in front of you, putting both arms in front of you for balance, and squatting. This is a one-legged squat or pistol.
This time of year makes me antsy. Like a one legged panther suffering in the heat. I was watching the day suffer on in its rusty, nerve grinding way. And the alarm for the green door, which never is to be opened, went off because it was. It was like a persistent, aggrevating buzz from a West Nile's Virus carrying mosquito. They trace that stuff even down here in Dallas, parts where the water runs stagnant, but never downhill, or else you get ticketed, much like my next door neighbors in the suburb of Frisco. I put on Diamanda Galas because I will attempt to dredge through a commentary in the Metro section of the Dallas Morning News dated 7.14.06 by Jacquielynn Floyd [looking eerily reminescent of Resse Witherspoon's character in Election], only because I'm bored and I know the News, these days, is better than tranquilizers or warm milk in putting me to sleep. She talks about the cynicism concerning Dallas politicos and the picadillo it puts us preturbally when Miller retires in 2007 [no doubt caused by perusing Jim Shultz's editorial article in the Observer published a day before ... the span of calls, wrong number and whatnot ... the day of work finally ends, then I go about the task of beginning my " less is more " mindset for my apartment and life ... I then stop by
On a side note, there is a deliberate movement to silence common sense and the attempts to end political correctness, fear and average stupidity seem to be small, but frequent. We are waking up from the slumbering zombies were were for the last six years to realize we have been rollercoasting our lives down a ride of hate, terror and madness, with a psychotic looney helming the electronic controls.
A nice bedtime vision to dream about [only its possible] :
"Rebuilding America's Defenses" and the Project for the New American Century
by Bette Stockbauer
"Rebuilding America's Defenses (RAD)" is a policy document published by a neoconservative Washington think tank called the Project for the New American Century (PNAC). Its pages have been compared to Hitler's Mein Kampf in that they outline an aggressive military plan for U.S. world domination during the coming century. And just as Hitler's book was not taken seriously until after his catastrophic rise to power, so it seems that relatively few Americans are expressing alarm at this published document that is a blueprint for many of the present actions of the Bush administration, actions which have begun to destabilize the balance of power between the nations of the world.
The Radical Mind of Dick Cheney: An In-Depth Look at the Vice President
DEMOCRACY NOW! December, 2003
AMY GOODMAN: We're joined by Spencer Ackerman, assistant editor of the "New Republic." Welcome to Democracy Now!.
SPENCER ACKERMAN: Good morning. Thanks for having me.
AMY GOODMAN: Well, it's good to have you. Why don't we start from where you begin tracing the odyssey of Dick Cheney going back to the first Bush.
SPENCER ACKERMAN: Well, what we wanted to figure out, when we undertook this project, was why someone who many people thought in 2000, when he became the Republican vice presidential nominee, would be a voice of advocacy for stability and, in general, real politic like the first Bush administration generally was, became someone who was so eager to reverse what many consider in retrospect sort of the central aspect of the Bush administration-- the first Bush administration's foreign policy, which was essentially ending the Gulf War with Saddam Hussein in power. And, the more we looked at Cheney's record in the Pentagon, the more we saw that he wasn't within the mainstream in that first Bush administration. He was more of its ideological outlier.
When it came time to formulate policy towards the Soviet Union during the waning days of the Cold War, Cheney wasn't interested, like his colleagues James Baker or Brent Scocroft or even the first President Bush, in arms control or supporting Mikhail Gorbachev and sort of bringing the Soviet Union to what some would call a soft landing. He wanted to really press a very radical approach and sort of shock the system by supporting uprisings in the rebellious Ukraine to create something of an outpost in the region that he would hope would become something of a linchpin for a democratic transformation. Similarly, support Boris Yeltsin, who would then challenge the regime at its core. And you can hear some of the overtones in the-- when you-- in the Iraq War today, looking at that. There would be the end of that 40 years worth of ideological confrontation that would be solved on the United States' terms if we first found someone we could support, who would have our interests at heart in this figure, that they would convince themselves is a world historical figure, like Yeltsin, and similarly creating an outpost in the region would then provide a foothold through which the ideological problems of the region, communism, in so many words, as it was falling down in the end of the 1980's, would then provide this sort of regional positioning towards which the region would then sort of look more like the United States and sort of an open liberal democratic region.
AMY GOODMAN: We're talking to Spencer Ackerman, who is assistant editor at the "New Republic." His piece is called "The Radical Mind of Dick Cheney." So, you look at the last ten years. Talk about Wolfowitz and Cheney.
SPENCER ACKERMAN: They had a very interesting relationship. Both men have-- it's somewhat overlooked-- both men have, in fact, rather similar backgrounds. They're both academics. They both spent their lives thinking very seriously about defense policy. They both-- even something of a meritocratic idea-- sort of finding bright, young intellectuals who are willing to challenge the received wisdom and then placing them in important policymaking places. And that came to its germination in the first Bush administration. Cheney was secretary of defense. Paul Wolfowitz was Cheney's policy director, the undersecretary of defense for policy.
And over that time, Cheney saw his policy shop run by Wolfowitz as less of a 400-man unit that would think a about basing rights and weapons procurement, and formulating military to military ties with other countries, and more of an incubator for really strategic ideas. This was something that Wolfowitz was very keen on. There was a document that comes out of Wolfowitz's policy shop in 1992 called the "Defense Planning Guidance," that was very controversial. It eventually becomes the 1993 "Regional Defense Strategy." That was the first time a document for American policymakers spelled out circumstances under which it would be justified to undertake preventive military action, in this case to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. What does that sound like right now?
Similarly, Wolfowitz saw that, with this "Defense Planning Guidance," that with the end of the Soviet Union and the birth of what we now call the Unipolar Moment, would be a unique opportunity for America to exercise its ability to intervene in other moments of foreign policy crises with a lot greater freedom than it would during this period of ideological confrontation. Similarly, Wolfowitz advocated that if America shrinks from its rather dominant role on the world stage, then the ideological gains of the Cold War would be perhaps momentary and fleeting, and so America needed to stay with its presence on the world stage, is what it was, in order to encourage that these games-- particularly, he was thinking more in Eastern Europe at this point. It would sort of be locked in. And, finally, America had to retain its very robust military capabilities to make sure that no rival emerged to challenge the United States over this period.
And this was just simply not something that was really on the radar in 1992. It was not something that anyone was really thinking about at that time. People were expecting a peace dividend in the Cold War, the 1992 election was all about domestic politics, domestic problems, solving longstanding domestic issues. And, so, it caused a great deal of controversy in the first Bush administration. When the White House heard about it, they repudiated it. But, an interesting thing happened, which is that Cheney, while he did accede to White House pressure and sand down the edges and make sure it got leaked to the same people the original draft got leaked to so that people could see it was no longer quite so aggressive.
Nevertheless, he retained most of its key ideas, most importantly about the necessity, at times, for preventive action and a forward-leaning military presence and most importantly, this idea that American security was really-- was really dependent on what he called zones of democracy. Different areas around the world, which were former security threats, which through American intervention could be transformed into sort of democratic outposts. That's all retained in a January, 1993 document called the defense plan-- I'm sorry, called the "Regional Defense Strategy." And, so, it really shows that the-- the alliance between Paul Wolfowitz and Dick Cheney wasn't sort of a marriage of convenience. It was really more of a meeting of two minds, people who really did see the world in a very similar way, and were very eager to see that their vision was implemented.
AMY GOODMAN: We're talking to Spencer Ackerman. You talk about Dick Cheney leaving his position as Defense Secretary to become head of Halliburton and how he circumvent-- how his disgust with the CIA led him to hire retired intelligence people, a policy he has carried on through this day. Can you talk about the kind of brain trust he set up at Halliburton to deal with the world, to deal with countries?
SPENCER ACKERMAN: Well, basically, he comes out of the-- out of the first gulf war with a really acute sense-- and so does Paul Wolfowitz and so do others who work in the Pentagon-- with a really acute sense that in many very important respects the American intelligence establishment has failed. It's failed to -- it's failed to see that the Soviet Union had a bioweapons program, that we only found out about that in September of 1992, because Boris Yeltsin just flat-out told us. And, you know, that's the whole-- the Soviet Union was the whole reason, more or less, that the CIA existed. So, how could they have missed something so important. Very, very few analysts in the intelligence community accurately predicted the invasion of Kuwait, and so on. There were several failures that proved to be somewhat seminal.
And by the time Cheney gets to Halliburton, like-- like any businessman, he wants to have the most accurate information he can, and so as he hires people who have been former intelligence professionals and others to sort of help him with his forecasting as he ran the company-- we talked to one of them-- and this person told us that, in very florid and not perhaps broadcastable language, how angry Cheney was at the CIA, and how little faith he had in it. And, by the time that Cheney becomes vice president, that's a deeply held belief that he carries over with him. And it's what leads Cheney and his bureaucratic allies to set up channels within the government to sort of second-guess, challenge, outsource and almost replace the judgments of the established intelligence community.
AMY GOODMAN: Talk about his relationship with Ahmed Chalabi.
SPENCER ACKERMAN: Chalabi, in the 1990's, as he's-- as he goes through his period where he falls out of favor with the Clinton administration, and with the Clinton administration CIA, cultivates more and more contact in Washington among conservatives. Importantly, Richard Perle and other scholars and former defense officials and other government officials who end up at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington. And that's where Cheney goes after his stay as Secretary of Defense and before he becomes head of Halliburton, and through annual conferences that-- that AEI would set up in Beaver Creek and elsewhere, Cheney comes to meet Chalabi. And it's at these conferences where Chalabi would be making his case if only the U.S. would support the Iraqi National Congress and its insurgents, a democratic Iraq could very easily flow out of a very brief period of uprising and instability and the overthrow of Saddam Hussein.
So, at that point, it becomes more and more enticing to more and more people, the idea that you can be rid of this hideous dictator who seems to be addicted to weapons of mass destruction, who seems to have regional designs on the Middle East even after the Gulf War, and who seems to be sort of a relentless enemy of the United States, replaced with a democratic and free Iraq, which is sort of the bargain of all bargains. And by the time that Cheney becomes vice president, not only does he sort of keep an open line to Chalabi, but many of the people on his staff, including his chief of staff, Scooter Libby, one of his foreign policy advisers, John Hannah, another of his foreign policy advisers who goes over to work in the Pentagon later on, Bill Rooney. A lot of these people have established ties to Chalabi and other Iraqi exiles. And they keep an open line within the vice president to listen to Chalabi and solicit his advice on some cases, to sort of get Chalabi's perspective on intelligence or get alternative intelligence analyses.
AMY GOODMAN: And the whole issue of Joe Wilson and the information-- that the information was false about the yellowcake uranium being sold to Iraq. Can you talk about Alan Foley, the director of the CIA's nonproliferation center and what Cheney and Scooter Libby and the others were doing with him?
SPENCER ACKERMAN: Foley was perhaps one of the most impor-- he's retiring now-- he ran one of the most important directorates at the CIA in this day and age, which is about weapons proliferation. And, over the course of 2002, there were several visits undertaken both by Cheney personally, by Cheney's chief of staff, Scooter Libby, and then there were simply reams of other-- questioning of documents that would come out of the directorate to sort of, as people who work for Foley have made clear, had the effect of something of a chill factor, that they got the impression that Cheney and his office wanted intelligence reports to conform to what they considered to be the proper conception of the threat, which is Saddam Hussein having reconstituted his nuclear weapons program. And with the Niger issue, a lot of that remains murky.
Basically, the CIA felt-- in early 2002, there's a report that makes its way to Dick Cheney that appears to have originated with Italian intelligence about Saddam seeking yellowcake uranium from Niger, and Cheney asks the CIA in early 2002, do you have anything to corroborate this, do you have any further information, how accurate is it? The CIA said they didn't know. They wanted someone to find out, because they considered it of sufficient importance on its own merits and such importance to the vice president that it deserved a fuller answer. They asked Joe Wilson, who had been ambassador to several countries in Africa and had been an African specialist on the Clinton National Security Council to go to Niger and check it out.
Wilson went in March-- I'm sorry, in February of 2002, concluded that, because of various bureaucratic strictures, because of the structure of Niger, the uranium industry-- it's run by two French-led consortiums in particular-- and because of the difficulties in spiriting away uranium or making deals out in the open on uranium without attracting oversight, most importantly by the International Atomic Energy Agency, such a deal almost certainly did not occur. Wilson returns to the United States. He briefs his CIA contact, and that sort of, is as far as he hears. Cheney's office is adamant that they did not know about Wilson's trip, that they did not know until they read about it in the papers just this summer that this trip had occurred, and they thought that the CIA had answered its ques-- had answered the questions from the vice president's office in its entirety in 2002.
AMY GOODMAN: Finally, you talk about Cheney citing a Zogby poll, opposing those who said there was not support on the ground in Iraq, by citing this poll to say that the Iraqi people were with the U.S. military. Can you talk about that?
SPENCER ACKERMAN: This was one of the most bizarre statements Cheney made, both before the war, during the war, and in the post-war. In August, the Zogby organization tried to conduct the first scientific, as they call it, understanding of Iraqi public opinion. And what they found was decidedly not good for the United States. Sure enough, they found overwhelmingly that the Iraqi people, as any oppressed people would be, were overjoyed to be rid of Saddam Hussein, that did not translate into an overwhelming endorsement of the coalition's occupation. Cheney took the findings on television and spun it in a way that suggested that that was exactly what Zogby had found, and it was used by Cheney as way to vindicate the coalition action. Yet, Zogby, when you analyze the poll, just paints such an overwhelmingly different picture, it's very strange. Cheney had said that the American model of government was the most popular among the Iraqis.
In fact, a breakaway plurality of 49% wanted a democratic state that was guided by Islamic law. The closest choice to the United States model, which was a secular and democratic Iraq, garnered, by contrast, only 21% support. Cheney had said that about two-thirds of Iraq-I'm sorry, about 60% of Iraqis wanted to stay for at least another year. In fact, what they had said was they wanted the United States to leave in a year. And when you look at just the Sunni population of Iraq, that figure is at 70%. About half of Iraqis said that they expected the United States over the next five years to be harmful to their country. So, only-- only-- I think a fair reading of the poll would probably say that the Iraqis have somewhat mixed to negative feelings at the point at which Zogby conducted the poll about the American occupation. It was quite far from the enthusiastic reception that Cheney told the public that Iraqis had on "Meet the Press."
AMY GOODMAN: Spencer Ackerman, I want to thank you for being with us. Spencer Ackerman is co-author of the piece, "What Dick Cheney Really Believes, The Radical." You're listening to Democracy Now! Stay with us.
To purchase an audio or video copy of this entire program, call 1 (800) 881-2359.
"That's the spirit, George. If nothing else works, then a total pig-headed unwillingness to look facts in the face will see us through."
- General Sir Anthony Cecil Hogmanay Melchett, 'Blackadder Goes Forth'
BUSH'S WAR
Remarks by Bill Williams Fayetteville Peace Rally October 26, 2002
Too often the Congress of the United States seems to subscribe to the notion that 100,000 lemmings can't be wrong. They seem to be less a deliberative body and more of a herd. Yet all too rarely there is that individual who is willing to step out of the crowd to say “No. That is the wrong way. I will not go there”. Yesterday one such man was taken from us when Senator Paul Wellstone died in an aircraft accident. Although we send our condolences to his family and friends and neighbors in Minnesota, the loss is really borne by every man and woman and child who longs for peace on this tired old planet. His courage will light our path through the dark days ahead. Thinking about Senator Wellstone today leads us to think about patriotism not the blind obedience to whatever power resides in the White House, but adherence to the higher principles which have led Americans to devote their lives, their fortunes and their “sacred honor” to the dreams of freedom embodied in this great Republic. Let us agree today that a patriot is willing to take great risk perhaps any risk to preserve and defend these ideals. A bumper sticker that says “These colors don't run” does not make the driver a patriot. 36 years ago America was engaged in a war in Vietnam. Young men and women from all over this land stepped forward to do their patriotic duty. One of them was known to the United States Marine Corps as 1946319. That young patriot was a kid who believed in the goodness of this country. He believed that the President of the United States always held the best interest of the people as his highest priority. He believed in his country right or wrong. He was sometimes afraid afraid that he might fail his fellow Marines, afraid he might stop a bullet. 1946319 is the number on my dog tags in Vietnam. I was there because I volunteered for the Marines and for combat duty. I'm a lot older now, but I still believe in the fundamental goodness and wisdom of the people of this great country. That is why I am so very glad to be with you patriots today. 1946319 is a number I shall always remember; it described every aspect of my life for four years, two months, 22 days 18 hours and 45 minutes. There is another number every American must always remember 58229. 58,229 names of American men and women, engraved on the black granite of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington, D.C. the Wall. I expect that just like me, the men and women who are remembered there believed in their country and wanted to do their part to protect it. 58,229 in a song or a poem we might call them forever young. The truth is they are simply forever gone. Gone from their homes and their mothers and their fathers and their sweethearts and their children and their friends. Forever gone and with them their hopes and dreams. For us there is only the loss. 58,229 young Americans were at least spared one pain. They never knew how their leaders had abandoned them or what little value the politicians in their homeland placed on their service. But for nearly 3 million American soldiers, sailors, airmen and Marines coming home was, in some ways, the hardest part. These people were patriots who had done their duty as they were given the light to see it. They came home to be reviled or perhaps worse, to be ignored. There were other patriots in that time citizens who came forward to oppose the war. They too were often reviled. Yet even though they must have been afraid, they possessed a courage rooted in heartfelt belief. Because they raised their voices in an endless chorus the United States of America finally stepped back from that abyss. Decades have passed since that time veterans are no longer “baby-killers” and protesters are no longer “hippie cowards”. Today each of us should have a better appreciation for the patriotism of the other. Veterans can offer thanks to marchers for helping us see foreign adventures in a new light any of us can offer thanks to veterans with the simple phrase, “Welcome home”. Another kind of patriot is the person willing to step forward and run for public office on a platform founded in strong personal belief. I am proud to stand before you today with such a person Sarah Marsh. Ms. Marsh and I might disagree as to which political party offers the best avenue for change in this country, but surely we agree on the need for that change. For war is not the only thing which threatens us indeed this proposed adventure in Iraq is inexorably linked to problems with energy and the environment. And as I salute Ms. Marsh for her willingness to step up and run for office, I beseech her to avoid running against Democrats, especially me, if she can. Consider this - if someone you loved were stricken with a disease which could be fatal if not treated, would you continue to report happily, “Gee, you're looking swell today”; or would you gently take that person by the arm and say “It's time we get you to a doctor”? Well ladies and gentlemen, this great country which we all love has a terrible malady called war. It is time to cure that sickness while she is still strong and vital. But the doctor's name is assuredly NOT George W. Bush. To try to comprehend the ascent of George W. Bush to the Presidency is to make a trip through Alice's looking glass seem as normal as a ride on the cross-town bus. To set the tone for his administration, Mr. Bush appointed the nation's leading xenophobe, John Ashcroft, as Attorney General. To this moment the country's top law enforcement officer is busily engaged in bending the Constitution to fit his own bigoted view of the world. Mr. Ashcroft rules by fiat, often finding the law a nuisance to be dealt with or even disregarded. To fulfill his campaign promise to make the government of this country run like a business, Mr. Bush has mostly just LET business run the country. Enron drafted the Energy Plan, Condoleeza Rice, a member of the Chevron Oil Company Board of Directors, is now the National Security Adviser and the White House Chief of Staff was General Motors' chief lobbyist. Don't forget that the Vice President is so deeply immersed in the oil business that if you lit a match near him, he could serve as an eternal flame on the altar of corporate greed. To be completely truthful, there were times when even this group seemed almost able to rise to mediocrity. The high point of the early days of the Bush administration came when the President ordered a baseball diamond built on the White House lawn. Indeed for a few hopeful moments it seemed he might become so enthralled with the great American pastime that Mr. Bush might forsake politics for a career as a Little League umpire, but alas, it was not to be. In early September of 2001, just as Mr. Ashcroft was cutting anti-terrorism expenditures in the Justice Department, a group of Saudis attacked the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. In those first few hours, as Mayor Giulliani trekked through the wreckage of Lower Manhattan, as men of all services fought to save what lives they could in Washington and New York, President Bush cut short his campaign engagements in Florida and dashed off to ... Nebraska. While the country teetered on the edge of panic and anchormen were asking “Where is the President?”, Mr. Bush was winging his way about the Great Plains. Why? Because the Secret Service told him to. Do you suppose they could have kept Ronald Reagan away? Do you think Jimmy Carter or George Herbert Walker Bush would have been content to watch things unfold on CNN? And you can bet your last dollar that if they had told Bill Clinton to stay away he would have been on the next bus to D.C. before the Secret Service could have said “Where's the boss?”. It only took a few hours before the political advantages became apparent to the White House team. And so a man incapable of leading a troop of Boy Scouts on an outing to McDonald's became our “war president”. In a burst of international irrationality unrivaled in my memory, the United States of America invaded the sovereign nation of Afghanistan because we had been attacked by a group of Saudi Arabians. If you comprehend the logic of this behavior, then surely you need professional medical attention. But the fact is that Afghanistan, controlled by a repressive, fundamentalist, totalitarian government seemed an easy, feel-good place to lash out to feed our national appetite for revenge. Indeed the primary problem our military faced in this God-forsaken place was finding bombing targets which would make good video for the news clips. After a brief period during which we bombed the Red Cross into complete capitulation and put the pesky Canadians on the run, Afghanistan, that jewel of the east, was ours. Of course Ossama bin Laden is still “wanted dead or alive”, but if your heritage lies in “Read my lips, no new taxes” that really doesn't seem to matter much. About the time we bombed an innocent wedding party into oblivion it became clear that the media value of Afghanistan was diminishing. That's when the President came up with the “Axis of Evil” - Korea, because they are exporting arms technologies, Iran because they have sponsored terrorism in the past and Iraq because we REALLY dislike Saddam Hussein a lot. Never mind that the word “axis” implies a level of cooperation which doesn't exist among these governments. But the “Axis of Evil” thing really didn't sell that well, so the President took off the summer to relax in Texas and campaign a bit around the country. Then it was September the first anniversary of the terrorist attacks was looming, Congress was back in session just before an off-year election and Ossama bin Laden, a six-foot seven inch Arab was still “wanted dead or alive”. Iraq has the second largest oil reserves in the world. Clearly it was time to get that bad guy Saddam Hussein and wrap up his oil fields in the process. So the new plan became to make Iraq an American colony for the next hundred years or until the oil runs out, whichever comes first. Matters suddenly became urgent. We needed to act in haste. Neither the Congress nor the United Nations nor rational thought could be allowed to get in our way. Friends and neighbors, as slowly as a sleepless night crawls toward the dawn yet as surely as that daybreak must come, the truth about this administration is being revealed. We have learned that a man might wrap himself in the flag so that we cannot see who he is. We have learned that these people will capitalize on the honest patriotism of decent Americans for their own political interest why else would the President say it is “unpatriotic” to vote against Enron's Energy Plan? Why else would the Attorney General say it is unpatriotic to give accused terrorists the right to legal counsel? Why else is anyone who dares oppose the Administration labeled as “unpatriotic”? We have learned that this war is not about patriotism, its about petroleum. Its not about patriotism its about profits. Its not about patriotism, its about poll numbers. Its not about patriotism, its about politics. So today, my friends, let us lift our voices so they hear us in the board rooms of the corporations and the secret places of the White House. Let every patriot join with us to say “Peace is Patriotic”.
http://www.omnicenter.org/warpeacecollection/bush.htm
Scary, hunh? These aren't my words. But I can tell you more than just a handful of people in America know this is true. Know that things smell worse than the administration wants us to believe.
Okay, enough of that. Well, I promised to work tommorow, so I hope everyone out there has a wonderful weekend, if I don't get back to y'all.
Remember, the only thing we have to turn to is our gut, our mind and our heart.
dr phibes
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